A Letter from Ken Hersh, President and CEO of the Bush Center
America is a great country.
While our democracy is often coined as an “experiment,” there is nothing experimental about the fabric of a nation knit together over generations that can trace its ancestry to far-away lands. Our culture is a unique blend of origins that have come together to produce some of the most innovative developments in industry, art, science, and technology in human history. Our mosaic has imperfections if you look closely, but taken as a whole, it is a beautiful reflection of what the human spirit can achieve if allowed to flourish.
As the nation mourns two more senseless and devastating attacks on innocent Americans, this time in El Paso, Texas, and Dayton, Ohio, we know this: Try as killers might, the United States in all its imperfections and divisions still stands as a better country for the diversity it encompasses. We refuse to let the abhorrent, evil actions and ideas of a few define us.
El Paso epitomizes the advantages of diversity as well as any city in our country. A border community that has existed for almost 400 years, the town has the largest bilingual, binational, bicultural workforce in the world. The average age of those workers is only 31, which means El Paso will continue to have a burgeoning workforce to draw from in the future.
In an interview last summer for the Bush Institute’s book, Listening to Leaders, Dee Margo, the Republican mayor of El Paso, cited these attributes in explaining his city’s value when compared to the nearby Permian Basin, whose vast energy reserves are their own enviable resource. El Paso's rich diversity is why he believes his city benefits from the commerce, relationships, and culture that exist on both sides of the border.
Even the Walmart where a killer launched his hate-fueled attack is its own proving ground for the benefits of a diverse community. In drawing from El Paso and the neighboring community of Juarez, Mexico,The New York Times reports that that store is one of the chain’s 10 largest in the nation, drawing over four times the number of customers compared to its average store.
We recognize that statistics will do little to heal the deep wounds our fellow Texans experienced on Saturday, just as the good citizens of Dayton put their loved ones to rest this very week. We grieve with the families and with the nation.
We at the Bush Center remain committed to the values of President George W. Bush and former First Lady Laura Bush. These values are as timeless as the American Dream. And, at a time like this, we are inspired by President Bush’s words in his October 2017 Spirit of Liberty address.
As he emphasized then:
“At times, it can seem like the forces pulling us apart are stronger than the forces binding us together. Argument turns too easily into animosity. Disagreement escalates into dehumanization. Too often, we judge other groups by their worst examples while judging ourselves by our best intentions – forgetting the image of God we should see in each other. To renew our country, we only need to remember our values.”
Of course, it is past time for just prayers and sympathies. As President Bush also said, “The American spirit does not say, ‘We shall manage,’ or ‘We shall make the best of it.’ It says, ‘We shall overcome.’”
“We become the heirs of Martin Luther King, Jr., by recognizing one another not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. This means that people of every race, religion, and ethnicity can be fully and equally American. It means that bigotry or white supremacy in any form is blasphemy against the American creed.”
There is a power in the essential truth of our creed. We hold as self-evident that all people are created equal. No gunman will diminish that power; that power is woven into the very fabric of the nation.
"Los demócratas son el foco de atención esta semana, pero ambos partidos políticos pueden y deben esforzarse para comprender mejor a la comunidad hispana".
Presidente de The Latino Coalition y exadministrador de la Administración de Pequeños Negocios de Estados Unidos.
Algunos precandidatos demócratas para 2020. Crédito: AP Images/Gettty Images
En vísperas de la siguiente ronda de debates presidenciales, la comunidad hispana estadounidense espera que esta vez los demócratas muestren una comprensión más profunda de las esperanzas, los ideales y la cultura hispana, y no sólo unas pocas palabras en español.
Mi padre, Héctor Barreto Sr. - quien fue un líder histórico en la comunidad empresarial hispana, incluyendo su papel como fundador de la Cámara de Comercio Hispana de Estados Unidos - tenía un mensaje franco para los políticos que aprenden español (o, en su época, contrataban bandas de mariachis para eventos políticos), con la esperanza de ganarse los votos hispanos: "Quizás hablas español, pero no hablas nuestro idioma".
Quería decir que los políticos deben superar sus impresiones superficiales si desean conectarse con nuestra comunidad. Hay cinco cosas importantes que los candidatos presidenciales demócratas deben recordar si realmente quieren que sus mensajes tengan aceptación entre los votantes hispanos.
Los hispanoamericanos no son monolíticos. La forma en que un político demuestra más rápidamente su poca comprensión de los latinos es apegarse a los estereotipos asumidos de que nuestra primera preocupación política es la inmigración, de que somos económica o socialmente liberales, ¡y de que todos hablamos español! Al igual que todos los demás grupos demográficos, los hispanoamericanos somos increíblemente diversos dentro de nuestras propias filas - y tenemos una gran variedad de puntos de vista políticos, religiosos, sociales y económicos que abarcan un espectro tan pintoresco como el propio Estados Unidos.
Muchos hispanos hablan español, pero muchos otros no. Muchos tienen padres o abuelos que fueron inmigrantes; muchos nacieron en el seno de familias que han estado aquí durante muchas generaciones.
No todos nos sentimos oprimidos. En Estados Unidos, crecer siendo parte de una minoría no es lo mismo que crecer siendo blanco, pero la experiencia para la mayoría de los hispanos dista mucho de la opresión. Siempre hay algo que se puede mejorar, pero Estados Unidos ha sido principalmente una tierra de oportunidades para los hispanos durante muchas generaciones, y nuestro éxito económico y cultural es la evidencia.
Nuestra prioridad no son las dádivas. Es un viejo hábito cansino del partido demócrata ofrecerles dádivas a los grupos minoritarios. Nuestro deseo de atención sanitaria, educación y vivienda asequibles nunca debe confundirse con una exigencia de cosas gratis.
Queremos un entorno donde podamos prosperar nosotros mismos. Los políticos que piensan en los "hispanos" y automáticamente piensan en la "inmigración" deberían detenerse a pensar en lo que los hijos o nietos de inmigrantes creen sobre Estados Unidos.
La mayoría de nuestras familias vinieron aquí en busca de oportunidades: una mejor oportunidad de empleo, de ahorrar dinero, de iniciar un negocio, de recibir educación. Para nosotros es importante tener un entorno en el que nuestras ideas y nuestro arduo trabajo conduzcan al éxito financiero y social.
A los hispanos les interesan más las pequeñas empresas que las grandes empresas. Los candidatos presidenciales demócratas han hablado mucho sobre las grandes empresas y aunque sus palabras a menudo son críticas, su enfoque en las empresas conocidas deja la impresión de que no están familiarizados con el sector de las pequeñas empresas, el cual es - tanto económica como culturalmente - increíblemente importante para los hispanoamericanos.
Un estudio de la Stanford Graduate School of Business reveló que en los latinos el espíritu empresarial viene de familia. Más de la mitad de los hispanos encuestados por Stanford dijeron que tenían un familiar que tiene, o alguna vez tuvo, su propio negocio.
De hecho, los latinos emprenden negocios a un ritmo más alto que otros grupos demográficos, y el crecimiento de sus negocios también supera al de otros grupos. Probablemente los candidatos que entiendan y aprecien el espíritu empresarial atraerán a los votantes hispanos de forma importante.
Los demócratas son el foco de atención esta semana, pero ambos partidos políticos pueden y deben esforzarse para comprender mejor a la comunidad hispana. Los latinos son un grupo complejo e importante; nos merecemos más que las palabras huecas de algunas frases en español.
Los políticos de ambos partidos que quieran relacionarse con nosotros a un nivel más profundo recibirán como recompensa los votos del grupo demográfico de más rápido crecimiento en el país.
Nota: La presente pieza fue seleccionada para publicación en nuestra sección de opinión como una contribución al debate público. La(s) visión(es) expresadas allí pertenecen exclusivamente a su(s) autor(es) y/o a la(s) organización(es) que representan. Este contenido no representa la visión de Univision Noticias o la de su línea editorial.
On the eve of the next round of presidential debates, America’s Hispanic community is hoping Democrats will, this time, display a deeper understanding of Hispanic hopes, ideals and culture – not just a few words of Spanish.
Democratic presidential candidates take part in the second night of the first Democratic presidential debate in Miami, Florida, on June 27, 2019. Crédito: Getty Images
My father, Hector Barreto Sr. – who was a historic leader in the Hispanic business community, including being the founder of the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce – had a blunt message for politicians who learn Spanish (or, back in his time, hire a mariachi band for a political event), in the hopes of winning Hispanic votes: “You might speak Spanish, but you don’t speak our language.”
His point was that politicians must get past their superficial impressions in order to connect with our community. There are five key things Democratic presidential candidates need to remember if they truly want their messages to resonate with Hispanic voters:
Hispanic Americans are not monolithic. The quickest way for a politician to show their lack of understanding of Latinos is to stick to the stereotypical assumptions that our No. 1 policy concern is immigration, that we are economically or socially liberal, and that we all speak Spanish! Like all other demographic groups, Hispanic Americans are incredibly diverse within our own ranks – with a variety of political, religious, social and economic views that range across a spectrum as colorful as America herself. Many Hispanics speak Spanish, but many do not. Many have parents or grandparents who were immigrants; many were born into families that have been here for many generations.
We don’t all feel oppressed. In the United States, growing up as a minority is not the same as growing up white – but the experience, for most Hispanics, is far from oppression. Improvements can always be made, but America has mostly been a land of opportunity for Hispanics for many generations, and our economic and cultural success is the proof.
Handouts are not our priority. It is a tired habit of the Democrat party to offer handouts to minority groups. Our desire for affordable health care, education and housing should never be confused with a request to get something for free.
We want an environment where we can improve ourselves. Politicians who think “Hispanic” and automatically think “immigration” should slow down to think about what the children or grandchildren of immigrants believe about the United States. Most of our families came here for opportunity – a better chance to be employed, to save money, to start a business, to earn an education. An environment where our ideas and hard work can lead to financial and social success is important to us.
Hispanics are more interested in small business than big business. Democrat presidential candidates have been talking a lot about big business – and while their words are often critical, their focus on household-name companies leaves the impression that they aren’t familiar with the small-business sector, which is – both economically and culturally – incredibly important to Hispanic Americans. A Stanford Graduate School of Business study found that, for Latinos, entrepreneurship runs in the family. More than half of the Hispanics surveyed by Stanford said they had a family member who owns, or once owned, their own business. Indeed, Latinos start businesses at a higher rate than other demographic groups, and the growth of their businesses is also outpacing that of other groups. Candidates who understand and appreciate entrepreneurship are likely to appeal to Hispanic voters in a meaningful way.
Democrats are in the spotlight this week, but both political parties can, and should, work on their understanding of the Hispanic community. Latinos are a complex and important group; we deserve more than the literal lip service of a few words of Spanish. Politicians from both parties who seek to connect with us on a deeper level will be rewarded with the votes of the fastest growing demographic group in the country.
Hector Barreto is the Chairman of The Latino Coalition and the former U.S. Small Business Administrator.
Mexico just became the first country to ratify the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement. Following the vote, Verónica Martínez García, the secretary of the Mexican Senate’s Economy Commission, hailed the USMCA as “synonymous with opportunity in the short and long term.”
She’s absolutely right. Swift approval of the USMCA would help workers in all three nations. But one group would particularly benefit — Latinos.
The USMCA is a long-overdue update to NAFTA, the pact that has governed North American trade since 1994. Like NAFTA, the USMCA promises to ease the movement of goods and services across the continent, growing all three nations’ economies in the process.
The USMCA contains numerous provisions that will improve Mexican workers’ quality of life.
Source: The Orlando Sentinel Logo
The politician’s words and actions on race relations shored up white voters’ support then; they haunt his presidential bid now
JOE BIDEN campaigns in Iowa. His political career spans decades of change in the nation’s attitudes on race.
Joe Biden could feel himself losing the crowd — and along with it, the perception that he was politically unbeatable.
The voters watching wanted an apology. But Biden jabbered on about “de facto” versus “de jure” segregation in schools. He exploded into anger when accused of double talk.
“The audience kept pushing,” Biden would later reflect. “What they wanted was a full-out mea culpa and a hard statement … and I got hot.”
This wasn’t last month’s Democratic debate Biden was talking about, where he also mishandled a demand for an apology. It was an event 40 years earlier, an incident that still haunted Biden when he wrote about it in his 2007 memoir.
The crowd of hundreds of working-class voters were packed into the gymnasium of a suburban school outside Wilmington, Del. This crowd didn’t want him to apologize for fighting federally mandated busing, as Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) pushed him to do in Miami last month.
These constituents, like much of Delaware, were livid he wasn’t fighting the court-ordered school desegregation mandate harder.
Delaware’s racial division created hard political choices for Biden in the 1970s as he began his long political
career. Today, nearly half a century later, some of the decisions he made then and the explanations he offered put him miles out of step with the party whose presidential nomination he seeks.
Biden likes to paint a portrait of Delaware as a harmonious collection of bedroom communities from which he catches the Amtrak into Washington. But the state was also a place where Jim Crow thrived not long before Biden hit the political stage.
When the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed school segregation in 1954, one of the five cases on which the justices ruled came from New Castle County, Del., where Biden won his first election 16 years later.
Just before Biden entered politics, the National Guard had kept the largely black city of Wilmington on lockdown for nine months in response to looting and racial violence that followed Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination in 1968. The mayor repeatedly asked the governor to send the troops home, but the governor refused, keeping them there long after the National Guard had left other American cities facing similar tensions.
“America in 2019 is a very, very different place than the 1970s, and that’s a good thing,” Biden said last weekend. “I’ve witnessed an incredible amount of change in this nation, and I’ve worked to make that change happen. And yes, I’ve changed also.”
At the same time, however, Biden continues to hedge on disavowing the past statements on race, alliances with bigoted colleagues and anti-busing crusades that marked his early career. He argues that his lifetime achievements in advancing civil rights legislation and his partnership with President Obama should foreclose questions about his previous record.
“I will take his judgment about my record, my character, my ability to handle the job over anyone else’s,” he said, referring to Obama, during a speech in Sumter, S.C., on Saturday.
Biden’s opponents insist voters should consider his entire record. That record includes statements like this, which a 27-year-old Joe Biden made to the Wilmington News Journal after winning a seat on the New Castle County Council in 1970.
“I have friends on the far left, and they can justify to me the murder of a white deaf mute for a nickel by five colored guys,” he said. “They say black men had been oppressed and so on. But they can’t justify some Alabama farmers tar and feathering an old colored woman.”
He charged the ACLU would defend the black assailants, “but no one would go down to help the ‘rednecks.’ ”
At the time, Biden championed public housing that suburban towns tried to keep out, spoke proudly of working as a criminal defense attorney, and was a lifeguard at a pool where his was the only white face. But he also sent regular signals of empathy to white voters who told pollsters they believed government paid too much attention to blacks and that black Americans exaggerated the amount of prejudice they faced.
Biden tempered his liberal agenda with stands palatable to whites anxious over the pace of integration.
“Everybody’s opposed to public housing — no one wants it in their backyard, but dammit, if you have a moral obligation, provide it — but spread the load around,” he said in 1970 while pushing his plan for small clusters of affordable housing.
Very quickly, the flailing Democratic Party in Delaware saw the young councilman as their only hope for displacing incumbent Republican Sen. Cale Boggs, who had won his every statewide election for decades.
Biden began taking shots at busing. Civil rights activists were pushing to expand it in a state that had only slowly desegregated its schools, leaving many black children trapped in woefully inadequate classrooms.
By 1973, when Biden began his first Senate term, Wilmington’s public school population was nearly 90% nonwhite and 86% of thirdgraders could not read at grade level.
“It was horrible,” said Jeffrey Raffel, a University of Delaware professor who at the time was recruited to help the school systems establish a busing plan. In some classrooms that researchers observed, he said, “there was no learning taking place.”
Raffel, now an emeritus professor at the university’s Biden School of Public Policy and Administration, also happened to be one of Biden’s early pollsters. He said the senator was in a tough bind.
“Parents of kids in suburban public schools were over 90% opposed to moving kids across city-suburban lines,” he said. “Even in Wilmington, only 40% were in favor.”
Biden didn’t fight them. He insisted that sending kids in buses across district lines wouldn’t help. “Racial balance in and of itself means nothing” for education, he declared in his 1972 Senate race.
The positioning played well with suburban whites who, Biden would later write, “were terrified their children would be shipped into the toughest neighbor
hoods in Wilmington.” It may have also appealed to a faction of black parents who, as Biden argued, “were terrified their children would be targets of violence in the suburban schools.”
Busing would come to overshadow everything else on Biden’s agenda — and imperil his political career.
Soon after he reached the Senate, a far-reaching court order — one of the most sweeping of the era — roiled the state. The order directed officials to implement mandatory busing not just within school district boundaries, but across district lines in a large region that included Wilmington and 10 predominantly white, suburban districts.
“I could not walk into a grocery store or a restaurant in the northern part of Delaware without getting an earful,” Biden wrote in his 2007 book “Promises to Keep.” He recalled a white mother approaching him at an annual Chicken Festival and ordering her two boys to take a good look at the lawmaker:
“This is the man who has ruined your life,” she declared. “It’s because of him you’re going to be bused.”
Biden began working in the Senate against busing with a ferocity that some civil rights leaders still resent. His argument that the concept was “bankrupt” was accompanied by remarks through the 1970s that resembled statements made by some Southern opponents of integration.
“The new integration plans being offered are really just quota systems to assure a certain number of blacks, Chicanos or whatever in each school,” he said in a 1975 interview recently unearthed by the Washington Post.
“That, to me, is the most racist concept you can come up with; what it says is, ‘in order for your child with curly black hair, brown eyes and dark skin to be able to learn anything, he needs to sit next to my blond-haired, blue-eyed son.’ That’s racist! Who the hell do we think we are, that the only way a black man or woman can learn is if they rub shoulders with my white child?”
In an interview with NPR at the time, Biden presented his pitch for making antibusing attractive to liberals.
“It has been an issue that has been in the hands of the racist,” he said. “And we liberals have out of hand rejected it because, if George Wallace is for it, it must be bad. And so we haven’t really looked at it.”
The federal government should instead be pursuing greater investment in black communities and expansion of opportunities, Biden argued.
By 1977, a lobbyist for the NAACP at a Washington hearing accused Biden of being motivated by racism. Biden responded angrily. “The first time I disagree with the civil rights people on an issue of substance, the question of racism is raised,” he responded.
Although Biden has sought to distance himself from some of the alliances with Southern senators who joined him, he has never dropped his view that busing would be ineffective.
Ironically, Raffel notes, his own state’s experience indicates otherwise. Busing happened in the Wilmington region regardless of Biden’s opposition, and by the measures of Raffel and several other academics, it was one of the most successful integration programs of the era.
“Delaware became one of the states with the most desegregated schools in the country,” Raffel said.
Source: Los Angeles Times
"My whole life is a bet," President Trump said in a recent interview. Those nervous about Trump’s approach to trade — especially the implementation of tariffs (China) and the use of tariff threats (Mexico) — no doubt see him as someone who is gambling with other people’s money.
It should reassure nervous trade traditionalists to remember that Trump is playing the trade game with the best possible hand. As the representative of the United States, he is "the house." He holds better cards than anyone else in the world.
Trump knows that other countries — even the most difficult — have a tremendous incentive to get along with us. When we do well, the world does well. And the world trusts us, far more than any other country. It is globally understood that America’s economic resilience is unique and important.
TRUMP SAYS HE'S OPTIMISTIC ABOUT TRADE DEAL WITH CHINESE PRESIDENT XI, IN INTERVIEW WITH TUCKER CARLSON
We have a large economy, but it's also diverse and dynamic. Stock market ups and downs balance out the other half of our economy. Small businesses, which produce two-thirds of our net new jobs, account for about half of GDP as well.
Right now, the environment for entrepreneurs in the U.S. is outstanding. Optimism for small business is at record highs thanks to tax and regulatory reform that has reduced cost and complexity.
In celebrating July 4 this year, Americans should reflect on the fact that our matchless stability wasn't built overnight. It cannot be replicated with ease. The holiday is the perfect time to remember that America's founding principles created an environment where individuals could take risks, invent, create and find their own version of the American Dream through business ownership.
Our trade partners understand this, and we should remember it as well. It is a fact our president never seems to forget!
Of course, the environment for entrepreneurship has ebbed and flowed over the years. Some challenges never seem to disappear for small-business owners. That includes the cost of health care, the cost and complexity of taxes, and one-size-fits-all regulation.
But when compared to the rest of the globe, the U.S. is always the top country to start and grow one’s own business. This fact has attracted many people to America, including my own father. He came here from Mexico with the dream of being his own boss. He started out as a blue-collar laborer, and later became the owner of several businesses. He always knew this was the only place in the world he could do that.
Right now, the environment for entrepreneurs in the U.S. is outstanding. Optimism for small business is at record highs thanks to tax and regulatory reform that has reduced cost and complexity. The small-business sector's health gives Trump an international economic advantage so strong that it's almost like playing with a stacked deck.
If Trump’s approach to trade makes you cringe, remember that America’s exceptional economy, unique because of its balance of small and large businesses, gives him the strongest hand to play. Every time, in every negotiation, and yes, in every bet.
CLICK HERE TO READ MORE BY HECTOR BARRETO
Hector Barreto is the chairman of The Latino Coalition and the former U.S. Small Business Administrator.
Eight Federal Agencies Receive A+ Rating on FY2018 Small Business Federal Procurement Scorecard
WASHINGTON – Today, the U.S. Small Business Administration announced that thefederal government exceeded its small business federal contracting goal for the sixth consecutive year, awarding 25.05 percent in federal contract dollars to small businesses totaling $120.8 billion, an increase from the previous fiscal year of nearly $15 billion. The Fiscal Year 2018 Small Business Federal Procurement Scorecard marks the first time more than $120 billion in prime contracts has been awarded to small businesses. Overall, the federal government earned an “A” on this year’s government-wide scorecard.
“I’m happy to report that for the first time in history the federal government has awarded more than $120 billion in federal contracts and marked the sixth year in a row exceeding our target milestones for small businesses,” said Acting Administrator Chris Pilkerton. “Through these businesses, we strengthen the economy, and support the American workforce in the process. For example, the federal prime and subcontract awarded to small businesses in FY18 equate to more than one million jobs created. Every contract that gets in the hands of a small business is a win-win for our nation, the entrepreneurs, their employees and the communities they support all across the country.”
FY2018 Small Business Federal Procurement Scorecard:
The individual agency scorecards released today by the SBA, as well as a detailed explanation of the methodology, is available online.
The prime contract goal achievements by dollars and percentages for all categories are as follows:
SBA continues to collaborate with federal agencies to expand small business opportunities for small business contractors to compete and win federal contracts. The FY2018 scorecard analyzed the prime contracting and subcontracting performance, and other contributing factors which resulted in an overall “A” grade for the federal government. Eight agencies received A+, 12 received a grade of “A”, three received a “B” grade and one received a “C” grade.
Small Business Federal Procurement Scorecard Overview:
The annual Procurement Scorecard is an assessment tool to: (1) measure how well federal agencies reach their small business and socio-economic prime contracting and subcontracting goals; (2) provide accurate and transparent contracting data and (3) report agency-specific progress. The prime and subcontracting component goals include goals for small businesses, small businesses owned by women, small disadvantaged businesses, service-disabled veteran-owned small businesses, and small businesses located in Historically Underutilized Business Zones (HUBZones).
Every year, the SBA works with each agency to set their prime and subcontracting goals and their performance is based on the agreed upon goals. Each federal agency has a different small business contracting goal, determined annually in consultation with the SBA. The SBA ensures that the sum total of all of the goals exceed the 23 percent target for the federal government as well as the socio-economic goals established by law.
While each federal agency is responsible for ensuring the quality of its own contracting data, SBA conducts additional analyses to help agencies identify potential data anomalies. As part of its ongoing data quality efforts, the SBA works with federal agency procurement staff to provide analysis and tools to facilitate review of data, implement improvements to procurement systems and conduct training to improve accuracy.
About the U.S. Small Business Administration
The U.S. Small Business Administration makes the American dream of business ownership a reality. As the only go-to resource and voice for small businesses backed by the strength of the federal government, the SBA empowers entrepreneurs and small business owners with the resources and support they need to start, grow or expand their businesses, or recover from a declared disaster. It delivers services through an extensive network of SBA field offices and partnerships with public and private organizations. To learn more, visit www.sba.gov.
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Release Number: 19-36
SOURCE U.S. Small Business Administration
WASHINGTON, June 20, 2019 /PRNewswire/ -- The Latino Coalition (TLC), the nation's leading non-partisan advocacy organization representing Hispanic businesses and consumers, launched the MatchPoint Procurement Portal during the 9th Annual Southern California Small Business and Contracting Conference in Garden Grove, CA.
"The Latino Coalition is in the business of surrounding small businesses with the tools and information they need to succeed," said TLC Chairman and former U.S. Small Business Administrator, Hector Barreto. "MatchPoint will offer the engine of our economy capital, capacity and contracts. It will put small business owners in the drivers' seat of finding what every business owner wants and needs: more business!"
As the former US Small Business Administrator, Barreto spearheaded matchmaking events that generated $6 billion in verifiable contracts. MatchPoint is now the go-to technology portal of business matchmaking— a procurement portal tool where small-business owners are connected directly to procurement officers in government and corporations.
Giving business owners, in all types of industries, a seat at the table and access to significant resources, MatchPoint offers unprecedented opportunities to TLC partners for their company to secure potential contracts.
Utilizing a cloud based Business Intelligence Tool, this cutting-edge technology helps users create a customized scorecard, including socioeconomic categories, which will then be used to generate the best matched procurement vendor for the business.
"The idea is for this portal to be a direct link to contracts that will grow and expand a user's business. All-in-all, MatchPoint is poised to be the gateway for enterprises to continue rising and paving their economic success story," Barreto added.
For more information, visit: https://tlcmatchpoint.com.
ABOUT THE LATINO COALITION- The Latino Coalition (TLC) was founded in 1995 by a group of Hispanic business owners from across the country to research and develop policies and solutions relevant to Latinos. TLC is a non-profit nationwide organization with offices in California, Washington, DC and Guadalajara, Mexico. Established to address and engage on key issues that directly affect the well-being of Hispanics in the United States, TLC's agenda is to create and promote initiatives and partnerships that will foster economic equivalency and enhance and empower overall business, economic and social development for Latinos.
SOURCE The Latino Coalition
WASHINGTON, DC– The Latino Coalition (TLC) released the following statement regarding the United States-Mexico Joint Declaration:
“The Latino Coalition applauds the critical resolution between the United States and Mexico in regards to illegal immigration. This joint declaration is crucial and necessary for the security of both nations, and it is paramount for maintaining a strong relationship between two sovereign countries with significant regional and economic ties. TLC supports this mutually-beneficial proposal that will strengthen and promote growth for both economies,” said TLC Chairman and former U.S. Small Business Administrator, Hector Barreto.
ABOUT THE LATINO COALITION- The Latino Coalition (TLC) was founded in 1995 by a group of Hispanic business owners from across the country to research and develop policies and solutions relevant to Latinos. TLC is a non-profit nationwide organization with offices in California, Washington, DC and Guadalajara, Mexico. Established to address and engage on key issues that directly affect the well-being of Hispanics in the United States, TLC’s agenda is to create and promote initiatives and partnerships that will foster economic equivalency and enhance and empower overall business, economic and social development for Latinos.
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